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Democratic peace theory : ウィキペディア英語版
Democratic peace theory

Democratic peace theory is a theory which posits that democracies are hesitant to engage in armed conflict with other identified democracies.〔Michael Doyle's pioneering work "Kant, Liberal Legacies, and Foreign Affairs", Philosophy and Public Affairs (1983) 205, 207–208, initially applied this international relations paradigm to what he called "Liberal states" which are identified as entities "with some form of representative democracy, a market economy based on private property rights, and constitutional protections of civil and political rights." This theory has been alternately referred to as the "Liberal peace theory" For example, Clemens Jr., Walter C. Complexity Theory as a Tool for Understanding and Coping with Ethnic Conflict and Development Issues in Post-Soviet Eurasia. International Journal of Peace Studies.()〕 In contrast to theories explaining war engagement, it is a "theory of peace" outlining motives that dissuade state-sponsored violence.
Some theorists prefer terms such as "mutual democratic pacifism"〔()〕 or "inter-democracy nonaggression hypothesis" so as to clarify that a state of peace is not singular to democracies, but rather that it is easily sustained between democratic nations.〔Daniele Archibugi, (The Global Commonwealth of Citizens. Toward Cosmopolitan Democracy ), Princeton University Press, Princeton, 2008.〕
Among proponents of the democratic peace theory, several factors are held as motivating peace between liberal states:
*Democratic leaders are forced to accept culpability for war losses to a voting public;
*Publicly accountable statesmen are more inclined to establish diplomatic institutions for resolving international tensions;
*Democracies are less inclined to view countries with adjacent policy and governing doctrine as hostile;
*Democracies tend to possess greater public wealth than other states, and therefore eschew war to preserve infrastructure and resources.
Those who dispute this theory often do so on grounds that it conflates correlation with causation, and that the academic definitions of 'democracy' and 'war' can be manipulated so as to manufacture an artificial trend.
==History==

Though the democratic peace theory was not rigorously or scientifically studied until the 1960s, the basic principles of the concept had been argued as early as the 1700s in the works of philosopher Immanuel Kant and political theorist Thomas Paine. Kant foreshadowed the theory in his essay ''Perpetual Peace'' written in 1795, although he thought that a world with only constitutional republics was only one of several necessary conditions for a perpetual peace. Kant's theory was that a majority of the people would never vote to go to war, unless in self-defense. Therefore, if all nations were republics, it would end war, because there would be no aggressors. In earlier but less cited works, Thomas Paine made similar or stronger claims about the peaceful nature of republics. Paine wrote in "Common Sense" in 1776: "The Republics of Europe are all (and we may say always) in peace." Paine argued that kings would go to war out of pride in situations where republics would not.〔Jack S. Levy, William R. Thompson, ''Causes of War'' (John Wiley & Sons, 2011); Thomas Paine, The Complete Writings of Thomas Paine, ed. Philip S. Foner (The Citadel Press: New York, 1945), p. 27.〕 ''Democracy in America'' (1835–1840), by French historian and social scientist Alexis de Tocqueville, also argued that democratic nations were less likely to wage war.〔"When the principle of equality spreads, as in Europe now, not only within one nation, but at the same time among several neighboring peoples, the inhabitants of these various countries, despite different languages, customs, and laws, always resemble each other in an equal fear of war and love of peace. In vain do ambitious or angry princes arm for war; in spite of themselves they are calmed down by some sort of general apathy and goodwill which makes the sword fall from their hands. Wars become rarer." Tocqueville, Alexis de (1988). ''Democracy in America''. Edited by J. P. Mayer. New York: Harper Perennial, pp. 659-660〕
Dean Babst, a criminologist, was the first to do statistical research on this topic. His academic paper supporting the theory was published in 1964 in ''Wisconsin Sociologist''; he published a slightly more popularized version, in 1972, in the trade journal ''Industrial Research''. Both versions initially received little attention.
Melvin Small and J. David Singer (1976: 50–69) responded; they found an absence of wars between democratic states with two "marginal exceptions", but denied that this pattern had statistical significance. This paper was published in the ''Jerusalem Journal of International Relations'' which finally brought more widespread attention to the theory, and started the academic debate. A 1983 paper by political scientist Michael W. Doyle contributed further to popularizing the theory. Rudolph J. Rummel was another early researcher and drew considerable lay attention to the subject in his later works.
Maoz & Abdolali (1989) extended the research to lesser conflicts than wars. Bremer (1992) and Maoz & Russett (1993) found the correlation between democracy and peacefulness remained significant after controlling for many possible confounding variables. This moved the theory into the mainstream of social science. Supporters of realism in international relations and others responded by raising many new objections. Other researchers attempted more systematic explanations of how democracy might cause peace (Köchler 1995), and of how democracy might also affect other aspects of foreign relations such as alliances and collaboration (Ray 2003).
There have been numerous further studies in the field since these pioneering works.〔See the (bibliography ) on Rummel's website. Rummel is partisan, and the bibliography lacks some recent papers, but is nonetheless one of the better introductions to the subject.〕 Most studies have found some form of democratic peace exists, although neither methodological disputes nor doubtful cases are entirely resolved (Kinsella 2005).

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